Dear Fredrick,

I trust your Lord's Day was restful. Do tell me about the sermon...I should be most interested to hear your thoughts upon it.

The main events of interest from the 22nd  to the 23rd of November, 1861 were concentrated in Florida with the two-day bombardment of Pensacola. 

You may find the Union reports to be somewhat, shall I say, repetitive, but I have included more than one for the slight differences in perspective. 

The following are the Confederate reports. I want you to note the religious tenor of General Bragg's reports; a tenor quite absent in that of the Union officers.

There were a variety of smaller events on the 24th (a Sunday, as we might note from General Bragg's first report). Union forces mounted an expedition on Tybee Island, Georgia. Skirmishes took place around Lancaster and Johnstown, Missouri.

General Forrest set out on an expedition from Casyville to Eddyville Kentucky.

Tomorrow's letter will not be near as long as this one...but I shall let you wait and see why tomorrow. 

I regret that you will be unable to return home for Thanksgiving. I do hope you shall have an enjoyable time at the headmaster's. I shall miss you greatly.

Love,

Grandfather

Dear Freddy,

I fell asleep yesterday working on your letter so did not have it completed in time. I beg you forgive the cramped style of the following.

20 November was a day that once again saw multiple skirmishes throughout the western department. There were two in Missouri; one at Butler, the other Little Santa Fe. Skirmishing also took place in Brownsville, Kentucky. 

21 November saw Judah P. Benjamin named by President Davis as the next Secretary of War. He replaced LeRoy Pope Walker, a native Alabaman. 

The appointment of Brigadier General Lloyd Tilghman as commander of the yet-unfinished Forts Henry and Donelson, (one on the Tennessee River, the other on the Ohio), allowed the general to put his engineering skills to work. We will hear more of these forts and this general in a couple of months. However, to pique your interest, I shall proceed in telling you that these two forts where built on the Tennessee and Ohio rivers directly south of the Kentucky/Tennessee boarder. At this particular point, as far north as the Confederacy could legally build forts at the time, the two rivers, which run parallel for a time, were thirteen miles apart. It is interesting to speculate as to if these forts had been built closer to the rivers mouths, were they were but three miles distant, whether they would have been of better service.

I am well pleased with your exam results. Do extend my hearty congratulations to Charles as well. With those kinds of marks, you gentlemen shall soon be engineers!

Fondly,

Grandfather

My Dear,

This day, I write but little. You will find enclosed President Davis' address to Congress upon it's second day back in session. It was read, on his behalf, by his private secretary, Mr. Robert Josselyn.

Your loving Grandfather

To the Congress of the Confederate States:

The few weeks which have elapsed since your adjournment have brought us so near the close of the year that we are now able to sum up its general results. The retrospect is such as should fill the hearts of our people with gratitude to Providence for His kind interposition in their behalf. Abundant yields have rewarded the labor of the agriculturist, whilst the manufacturing industry of the Confederate States was never so prosperous as now. The necessities of the times have called into existence new branches of manufactures, and given a fresh impulse to the activity of those heretofore in operation. The means of the Confederate States for manufacturing the necessaries and comforts of life within themselves increase as the conflict continues, and we are gradually becoming independent of the rest of the world for the supply of such military stores and munitions as are indispensable for war.

The operations of the Army, soon to be partially interrupted by the approaching winter, have afforded a protection to the country, and shed a luster upon its arms through the trying vicissitudes of mere than one arduous campaign, which entitle our brave volunteers to our praise and our gratitude.

From its commencement up to the present period the war has been enlarging its proportions and expanding its boundaries so as to include new fields. The conflict
now extends from the shores of the Chesapeake to the confines of Missouri and Arizona; yet sudden calls from the remotest points for military aid have been met with promptness enough not only to avert disaster in the face of superior numbers, but also to roll back the tide of invasion from the border.

When the war commenced the enemy were possessed of certain strategic points and strong places within the Confederate States. They greatly exceeded us in numbers, in available resources, and in the supplies necessary for war. Military establishments had been long organized and were complete. The Navy, and for the most part the Army, once common to both, were in their possession. To meet all this we had to create not only an army in the face of war itself, but also the military establishments necessary to equip and place it in the field. It ought indeed to be a subject of gratulation that the spirit of the volunteers and the patriotism of the people have enabled us, under Providence, to grapple successfully with these difficulties. A succession of glorious victories at Bethel, Bull Run, Manassas, Springfield, Lexington, Leesburg, and Belmont has checked the wicked invasion which greed of gain and the unhallowed lust of power brought upon our soil, and has proved that numbers cease to avail when directed against a people fighting for the sacred right of self-government and the privileges of freemen. After more than seven months of war the enemy have not only failed to extend their occupancy of our soil, but new States and Territories have been added to our Confederacy, while, instead of their threatened march of unchecked conquest, they have been driven at more than one point to assume the defensive; and upon a fair comparison between the two belligerents as to men, military means, and financial condition, the Confederate States are relatively much stronger now than when the struggle commenced.

Since your adjournment the people of Missouri have conducted the war in the face of almost unparalleled difficulties with a spirit and success alike worthy of themselves and of the great cause in which they are struggling. Since that time Kentucky, too, has become the theater of active hostilities. The Federal forces have not only refused to acknowledge her right to be neutral, and have insisted upon making her a party to the war, but have invaded her for the purpose of attacking the Confederate States. Outrages of the most despotic character have been perpetrated upon her people. Some of her most eminent citizens have been seized and borne away to languish in foreign prisons without knowing who were their accusers or the specific charges made against them, while others have been forced to abandon their homes, families, and property, and seek a refuge in distant lands.

Finding that the Confederate States were about to be invaded through Kentucky, and that her people after being deceived into a mistaken security were unarmed and in danger of being subjugated by the Federal forces, our armies were marched into that State to repel the enemy and prevent their occupation of certain strategic points which would have given them great advantages in the contest--a step which was justified not only by the necessities of self-defense on the part of the Confederate States, but also by a desire to aid the people of Kentucky. It was never intended by the Confederate Government to conquer or coerce the people of that State, but, on the contrary, it was declared by our generals that they would withdraw their troops if the Federal Government would do likewise, Proclamation was also made of the desire to respect the neutrality of Kentucky, and the intention to abide by the wishes of her people as soon as they were free to express their opinions.

These declarations were approved by me, and I should regard it as one of the best effects of the march of our troops into Kentucky if it should end in giving to her people liberty of choice and a free opportunity to decide their own destiny according to their own will.

The Army has been chiefly instrumental in prosecuting the great contest in which we are engaged; but the Navy has also been effective in full proportion to its means. The naval officers, deprived to a great extent of an opportunity to make their professional skill available at sea, have served with commendable zeal and gallantry on shore and upon inland waters, further detail of which will be found in the reports of the Secretaries of the Navy and War.

In the transportation of the mails many difficulties have arisen which will be found fully developed in the report of the Postmaster-General. The absorption of the ordinary means of transportation for the movement of troops and military supplies, the insufficiency of the rolling stock of railroads for the accumulation of business resulting both from military operations, and the obstruction of water communication by the presence of the enemy's fleet, the failure and even refusal of contractors to comply with the terms of their agreements, the difficulties inherent in inaugurating so vast and complicated a system as that which requires postal facilities for every town and village in a territory so extended as ours, have all combined to impede the best-directed efforts of the Postmaster-General, whose zeal, industry, and ability have been taxed to the utmost extent. Some of these difficulties can only be overcome by time and an improved condition of the country upon the restoration of peace, but others may be remedied by legislation, and your attention is invited to the recommendations contained in the report of the head of that Department.

The condition of the Treasury will, doubtless, be a subject of anxious inquiry on your part. I am happy to say that the financial system already adopted has worked well so far, and promises good results for the future. To the extent that Treasury notes may be issued, the Government is enabled to borrow money without interest, and thus facilitate the conduct of the war. This extent is measured by the portion of the field of circulation which these notes can be made to occupy. The proportion of the field thus occupied depends again upon the amount of the debts for which they are receivable, and when dues, not only to the Confederate and State governments, but also to corporations and individuals, are payable in this medium, a large amount of it may be circulated at par. There is every reason to believe that the Confederate Treasury note is fast becoming such a medium. The provision that these notes shall be convertible into Confederate stock, bearing eight per cent interest, at the pleasure of the holder, insures them against a depreciation below the value of that stock, and no considerable fall in that value need be feared so long as the interest shall be punctually paid. The punctual payment of this interest has been secured by the act passed by you at the last session imposing such a rate of taxation as must provide sufficient means for that purpose.

For the successful prosecution of this war it is indispensable that the means of transporting troops and military supplies be furnished, as far as possible, in such manner as not to interrupt the commercial intercourse between our people nor place a check on their productive energies. To this end the means of transportation from one section of our country to the other must be carefully guarded and improved. And this should be the object of anxious care on the part of State and Confederate governments, so far as they may have power over the subject.

We have already two main systems of through transportation from the north to the south--one from Richmond along the seaboard, the other through western Virginia to New Orleans. A third might be secured by completing a link of about forty miles between Danville, in Virginia, and Greensborough, in North Carolina. The construction of this comparatively short line would give us a through route from north to south in the interior of the Confederate States, and give us access to a population and to military resources from which we are now in great measure debarred. We should increase greatly the safety and capacity of our means for transporting men and military supplies. If the construction of this road should, in the judgment of Congress, as it is in mine, be indispensable for the most successful prosecution of the war, the action of the Government will not be restrained by the constitutional objection which would attach to a work for commercial purposes, and attention is invited to the practicability of securing its early completion by giving the needful aid to the company organized for its construction and administration.

If we husband our means and make a judicious use of our resources it would be difficult to fix a limit to the period during which we could conduct a war against the adversary whom we now encounter. The very efforts which he makes to isolate and invade us must exhaust his means whilst they serve to complete the circle and diversify the productions of our industrial system. The reconstruction which he seeks to effect by arms becomes daily more and more palpably impossible. Not only do the causes which induced us to separate still exist in full force, but they have been strengthened, and whatever doubt may have lingered in the minds of any must have been completely dispelled by subsequent events. If, instead of being a dissolution of a league it were indeed a rebellion in which we are engaged, we might find ample vindication for the course we have adopted in the scenes which are now being enacted in the United States. Our people now look with contemptuous astonishment on those with whom they had been so recently associated. They shrink with aversion from the bare idea of renewing such a connection. When they see a President making war without the assent of Congress; when they behold judges threatened because they maintain the writ of habeas corpus, so sacred to freemen; when they see justice and law trampled raider the armed heel of military authority, and upright men and innocent women dragged to distant dungeons upon the mere edict of a despot; when they find all this tolerated and applauded by a people who had been in the full enjoyment of freedom but a few months ago, they believe that there must be some radical incompatibility between such a people and themselves. With such a people we may be content to live at peace, but the separation is final, and for the independence we have asserted we will accept no alternative.

The nature of the hostilities which they have waged against us must be characterized as barbarous wherever it is understood. They have bombarded undefended villages without giving notice to women and children to enable them to escape, and in one instance selected the night as the period when they might surprise them most effectually, whilst asleep and unsuspicious of danger.  Arson and rapine, the destruction of private houses and property, and injuries of the most wanton character, even upon noncombatants, have marked their forays along our borders and upon our territory. Although we ought to have been admonished by these things, that they were disposed to make war upon us in the most cruel and relentless spirit, yet we were not prepared to see them fit out a large naval expedition with the confessed purpose not only to pillage but to incite a servile insurrection in our midst.

If they convert their soldiers into incendiaries and robbers, and involve us in a species of war which claims noncombatants, women, and children as its victims, they must expect to be treated as outlaws and enemies of mankind. There are certain rights of humanity which are entitled to respect, even in war, and he who refuses to regard them forfeits his claims, if captured, to be considered as a prisoner of war, but must expect to be dealt with as an offender against all law, human and divine.

But not content with violating our rights under the law of nations at home, they have extended these injuries to us within other jurisdictions. The distinguished gentlemen whom, with your approval at the last session, I commissioned to represent the Confederacy at certain foreign courts, have been recently seized by the captain of a United States ship of war on board a British steamer on their voyage from the neutral Spanish port of Havana to England. The United States have thus claimed a general jurisdiction over the high seas, and entering a British ship, sailing under its country's flag, violated the rights of embassy, for the most part held sacred even amongst barbarians, by seizing our ministers whilst under the protection and within the dominions of a neutral nation. These gentlemen were as much under the jurisdiction of the British Government upon that ship and beneath its flag as if they had been on its soil, and a claim on the part of the United States to seize them in the streets of London would have been as well founded as that to apprehend them where they were taken. Had they been malefactors and citizens even of the United States they could not have been arrested on a British ship or on British soil, unless under the express provisions of a treaty, and according to the forms therein provided for the extradition of criminals.

But rights the most sacred seem to have lost all respect in their eyes. When Mr. Faulkner, a former minister of the United States to France, commissioned before the secession of Virginia, his native State, returned in good faith to Washington to settle his accounts and fulfill all the obligations into which he had entered, he was perfidiously arrested and imprisoned in New York, where he now is. The unsuspecting confidence with which he reported to his Government was abused, and his desire to fulfill his trust to them was used to his injury.

In conducting this war we have sought no aid and proposed no alliances, offensive and defensive, abroad. We have asked for a recognized place in the great family of nations, but in doing so we have demanded nothing for which we did not offer a fair equivalent. The advantages of intercourse are mutual amongst nations, and in seeking to establish diplomatic relations we were only endeavoring to place that intercourse under the regulation of public law. Perhaps we had the right, if we had chosen to exercise it, to ask to know whether the principle that "blockades to be binding must be effectual," so solemnly announced by the great powers of Europe at Paris, is to be generally enforced or applied only to particular parties.

When the Confederate States at your last session became a party to the declaration reaffirming this principle of international law, which has been recognized so long by publicists and governments, we certainly supposed that it was to be universally enforced. The customary law of nations is made up of their practice rather than their declarations; and if such declarations are only to be enforced in particular instances at the pleasure of those who make them, then the commerce of the world so far from being placed under the regulation of a general law will become subject to the caprice of those who execute or suspend it at will. If such is to be the course of nations in regard to this law, it is plain that it will thus become a rule for the weak and not for the strong.

Feeling that such views must be taken by the neutral nations of the earth, I have caused the evidence to be collected which proves completely the utter inefficiency of the proclaimed blockade of our coast, and shall direct it to be laid before such governments as shall afford us the means of being heard. But although we should be benefited by the enforcement of this law so solemnly declared by the great powers of Europe, we are not dependent on that enforcement for the successful prosecution of the war. As long as hostilities continue, the Confederate States will exhibit a steadily increasing capacity to furnish their troops with food, clothing, and arms. If they should be forced to forego many of the luxuries and some of the comforts of life, they will, at least, have the consolation of knowing that they are
thus daily becoming more and more independent of the rest of the world. If, in this process, labor in the Confederate States should be gradually diverted from those great southern staples which have given life to so much of the commerce of mankind into other channels, so as to make them rival producers instead of profitable customers, they will not be the only or even the chief losers by this change in the direction of their industry. Although it is true that the cotton supply from the Southern States could only be totally cut off by the subversion of our social system; yet it is plain that a long continuance of this blockade might, by a diversion of labor and an investment of capital in other employments, so diminish the supply as to bring ruin upon all those interests of foreign countries which are dependent on that staple. For every laborer who is diverted from the culture of cotton in the South, perhaps four times as many elsewhere, who have found subsistence in the various employments growing out of its use, will be forced also to change their occupation.

While the war which is waged to take from us the right of self-government can never attain that end, it remains to be seen how far it may work a revolution in the industrial system of the world, which may carry suffering to other lands as well as to our own. In the meantime, we shall continue this struggle in humble dependence upon Providence, from whose searching scrutiny we can not conceal the secrets of our hearts, and to whose rule we confidently submit our destinies. For the rest we shall depend upon ourselves. Liberty is always won where there exists the unconquerable will to be free, and we have reason to know the strength that is given by a conscious sense, not only of the magnitude but of the righteousness of our cause.

JEFFERSON DAVIS.

Richmond, November 18, 1861.

My Dear Freddy,

There were a couple of actions in the western theater on November 13, 1861. Both continued for two or more days. Likewise, both were Federal advances.

The first was from Greenville to Doniphan (both Missouri) on the 13th-15th. As you may see by looking at the map, there was a rail road between these two towns. Below, you will find the report, that the Federal officer in command sent to his superior:

"Report of Capt HP Hawkins Independent Company Missouri Cavalry Patterson Mo.                                                                                             Sunday pm      November 16 1861 
Sir: In conformity with your desire expressed in order of 12th instant and received at Greenville I visited Doniphan Ripley County and went within 6 miles of the State line. I have just returned to this place with my company all safe. I succeeded in capturing the lieutenant in command of the rebel pickets at Doniphan. Owing to our want of knowledge of their location the rest were enabled to escape by a most precipitate retreat. From the manner of their start would not be astonished to hear they were still running. We followed them on the Pitman Ferry road some 2 miles south of Doniphan and would have gone through to the ferry but prudence dictated a retreat. We had accomplished all we expected. We routed the pickets captured 1 or 2 horses, several guns, pistols, blankets, saddles, &c. I am reliably informed that Colonel Borland is in command of the forces about Pocahontas. The militia of ten counties is ordered out for thirty days to capture Pilot Knob. I do not think the colonel will cross the State line. The infantry (3,000 to be increased to 10,000) is stationed at Walnut Springs 5 miles north of Pocahontas. The cavalry (1,700) are stationed as follows: 1,000 are stationed 5 miles south of Pitman's Ferry, 400 are stationed at different points between the main body and the ferry, 300 were stationed 3 miles south of town the pickets stationed at Doniphan were about 15 in charge of a lieutenant. He reports the pickets numerous and from 10 to 20 at each post. I find the southern part of the State stripped of almost every kind of produce and many families along our route are absolutely suffering for many of the necessaries of life. I found the inhabitants in great fear outrages supposed to be committed by the Federal troops.  I adopted a mild and uniform course of treatment towards those persons with whom we came in contact. It was expected by the rebel citizens of Doniphan that we would destroy their town. Mr Leeper, myself and one or two others acquainted with the families of some of the prominent, called on their families and advised the men to remain at home live as they had, heretofore loyal citizens. I am well satisfied our trip below has done much good towards reconciliation and establishing friendly feeling towards our Union troops. My orders are to remain at Greenville till further orders. Want subsistence and shoeing of horses compelled me to return to this point. It is 10 miles north of Greenville and a much more desirable place to camp. Will remain here until further orders. My men are all good condition. Many of my horses are badly used up. Hoping the course pursued by the officers and men of my command will meet your approbation. I have the honor to remain your obedient servant, HENRY P HAWKINS Commanding Independent Missouri Cavalry 
[to] Col William P Carlin Comdg Post Pilot Knob, Mo. 

The second of these actions was began in Texas County, Missouri and moved westward into Wright County, Missouri. These two counties are to the westward of  Greenville. This Federal expedition was pursued from the 13th to the 18th. 

I have attached a copy of the reports here.

Do you and Charles take the time to plot these courses out. I would be interested in your discussion as you do so, but as I cannot be there to overhear you, perhaps you might give yourself the task of writing up your own report for your grandfather.

Lovingly,

James B. Hamilton

Dearest Freddy,

This day, in 1861, saw the arrival of blockade runner owned by the Confederacy. It was called Fingal, but would later bear the appellation C.S.S. Atlanta. 

The Fingal hove into Savannah bearing a cargo of military supplies--arms, munitions, and the like. As, throughout our late war for independence, we tended to have a shortage of such things, I must conclude that it was a welcome arrival.

I would like to here take a brief moment to discuss the blockade. 

International law stipulated that, in order of a blockade to be legitimate, the entire coast-line had to be patrolled constantly to ensure that there were no gaps. The Union Navy had not enough ships to effect this, so, technically, the blockade was not legitimate. Roughly sixteen percent of the Confederate blockade runners were quite successful, smuggling in around $200,000,000 worth of supplies; this would be food and munitions mainly. They also managed to export over 1, 250,000 bales of cotton--even as the war raged over the land where it was grown.

Also for your consideration, look at the enclosed copy I have made you of the 1856 Declaration of Paris.

Declaration of Paris; April 16, 1856.
The Plenipotentiaries who signed the Treaty of Paris of March assembled in conference,

Considering: That maritime law in time of war has long been the subject of deplorable disputes;

That the uncertainty of the law and of the duties in such a matter gives rise to differences of opinion between neutrals and belligerents which may occasion serious difficulties, and even conflicts; that it is consequently advantageous to establish a uniform doctrine on so important a point;

That the Plenipotentiaries assembled in Congress at Paris cannot better respond to the intentions by which their Governments are animated than by seeking to introduce into International relations fixed principles in this respect.

The above-mentioned Plenipotentiaries, being duly authorized, resolved to concert among themselves as to the means of attaining this object; and having come to an agreement, have adopted the following solemn declaration:

1. Privateering is and remains abolished;

2. The neutral flag covers enemy's goods, with the exception of contraband of war;

3. Neutral goods, with the exception of contraband of war, are not liable to capture under enemy's flag;

4. Blockades, in order to be binding, must be effective-that is to say, maintained by a force sufficient really to prevent access to the coast of the enemy.

The Governments of the undersigned Plenipotentiaries engage to bring the present declaration to the knowledge of the States which have not taken part in the Congress of Paris, and to invite them to accede.

Convinced that the maxims which they now proclaim cannot but be received with gratitude by the whole world, the undersigned Plenipotentiaries doubt not that the efforts of their Governments to obtain the general adoption thereof will be crowned with full success.

The present Declaration is not and shall not be binding, except between those Powers who have acceded, or shall accede, to it.

Fifty-five nations ratified this treaty; the United States was not, initially one of them, though in 1861, they agreed to abide by it. As you may see from the document, the Union blockade of the Confederate coast line did not fulfill the standards.

Also, if I may point you back a few days to the capture of our commissioners by Captain Wilkes, USN, does it appear to you that he broke this treaty in seizing Mason and Slidell?

Stand in justice,

Grandfather

Dear Grandfather,

I have just been speaking to Charles Clark. He is from New York and between him and myself, we cause quite the stir. He nearly died with laughter last evening for he was attempting a "Southern" accent and with his very pronounced Yankee accent, he simply could not manage. I do believe he found more hilarity in his failure than anyone else.

However, I did not bring up Chuck to tell you how terribly he manages an Alabama accent. I was talking to him but last night of your letters concerning the late war and he became very interested. He has a serious side, though one sees very little of it. He told me that he had a great-uncle who fought for the "rebels". I shall try to write it as he told me.

"I had no idea that I even had a great-uncle until this past summer. I was visiting my grandmamma and was grubbing around in her attic. I found a picture of a young fellow and I asked her who it was. She told me, after thinking for a good while, that it was her brother. I pursued the subject and she finally told me that he "had gone to fight with the Rebels". He was killed, it appears, someplace in Kentucky."

I was unaware, Grandfather, that any Northerners joined our cause; I find it most fascinating. Chuck is interested in hearing "the other side". He wants to know why this uncle he never heard of went off to fight and why it was such an issue that all this time later, his grandmother would say stiffly, "It is probably best that he was killed". However, I do suppose it would be rather troublesome to be seen as a traitor in one's home town. 

What I mean to say, Grandfather, is that I shall be sharing my letters with him. We shall trace battles and troop movements together with the maps that he went out and "scarfed" from one of our instructors. I do hope he asked permission to use them first.

We are looking forward to your next letter with eagerness!

Your affectionate grandson,

Fredrick

My dear Fredrick,

It pleases me immensely that your friend should have an interest in our history! Yes, indeed, there were Northerners who joined us in our fight. State's rights, my dear lad, was not just a Southern issue.

There were several seemingly minor incidents that took place on the 11th of November.

In the West, CS Major General George Crittendon, a native Kentuckian, was assigned the command of the District of Cumberland Gap. In Columbia, a 128 pound gun accidentally exploded. (Do not require me to tell you how that happened, Fred, for I do not know.) The explosion killed five men and wounded none other than the General Polk! 

The only military actions to take place that day was between the Jayhawkers of Kansas and Missouri secessionists at Little Blue River, Missouri and the battle of New Market Bridge in Virginia. 

I beg your forgiveness for the shortness and lack of interesting facts...but I have not had the time to do the research I wished to.

More tomorrow,

Your loving Grandfather,

James Hamilton

My Dearest Fred,

I must apologize for not writing Saturday. The diaconal meeting took up a greater portion of my time than I had anticipated.  However, I do not wish to skip the 8th of November in our lessons, for something of interest took place upon that date. 

That incident was the seizure of James Mason of Virginia and John Slidell of Louisiana, two men selected by the Confederate government as commissioners to Britain and France. They were seized from the British mail sloop Trent. Unsurprisingly, this incident precipitated a two-month long battle of words between the United States and Britain, which was concluded only when the Federal's handed the Confederate commissioners back to the British on New Year's Day. 

That is the general overview of the situation. However, knowing as I do a boy's love for high seas adventure, I shall go into a little more particulars of the outrage.

The U.S.S. San Jacinto was cruising the Old Bahama Channel on 8 November. Her purpose, to ensnare the Trent as she left Cuba. 

The Captain of the San Jacinto, one Charles Wilkes, had accidentally discovered the presence of the Confederate commissioners (as well as their families) in Havana during a port call. It was the impression, at the time, that the commissioners were aboard of Confederate man-o-war. With this intelligence in hand, he left port, but stayed in a position to spring his trap upon the unsuspecting British ship.

Wilkes gleefully undertook the capture Mason and Slidell and take them he did leaving behind him one very irate British sea captain! When Wilkes drew alongside the Trent he threatened them with force, which is, in my opinion, Fred, the only reason the captain of the Trent surrendered his passengers. 

Captain Wilkes took his prisoners to Fort Warren, Mass. The praise from the Secretary of the Navy was profuse: "Your conduct in seizing these public enemies was marked by intelligence, ability, decision, and firmness, and has the emphatic approval of is Department." Wilkes became an overnight sensation in the north. He was a hero! 

However, the political ramifications were just beginning. It appeared, after a short while, that the United States and Britain would go to war over this outrage of persons seized from a British ship. 

The Confederates hoped and prayed that this would bring Britain into the war as their ally--an ally that would have been most appreciated, if for no other reason than her support by means of arms, munitions, food, and medical supplies. 

However, neither of these scenarios happened and as 1862 dawned, Mason and Slidell continued their journey to Europe, having been released after Seward decided that he did not want war with Britain after all. Prior to this he had been something of a proponent of it, thinking that it would serve to reunite the North and South. 

To catch up to our current date, 10 November, I shall quickly address 9 November, 1861.

November 9 found the Federals at Port Royal making a successful foray against Beaufort, South Carolina. They took it without a fight.  This action caused General Lee some discomfort of mind as he clearly saw the threat that continuing inward pushes by the Federals could be. However, as I mentioned in a previous letter, the United States never took full advantage of their foothold at Port Royal.

10 November saw several instances of fighting in various points throughout western Virginia; Gauley Bridge, Guyandotte, and Cotton Hill. I highly recommend you procure a map to further your understanding of these events.   

And here, my dear Fred, I shall leave you today. I will return to this history tomorrow.

Your loving grandfather,

James Hamilton

My Dearest Grandson,

As promised, today's letter contains an account of the fall of Port Royal to the Federals. You will recall that General Lee had taken command of the Department of South Carolina, Georgia, and East Florida just days prior to this engagement. 

Before I actually take you too the attack, Fred, allow me to give a little groundwork for it. This was the third attack on Confederate ports. It would also be the third success. The previous two were Hatteras Inlet (North Carolina) and Ship Island off New Orleans. These engagements took place in August and September, respectively; but our purpose here is not to draw out the details of those attacks at this point. 

The commanding officer in charge of the Port Royal escapade was Captain Samuel DuPont. DuPont set sail from Hampton Roads in late October with sealed orders and 74 vessels plus a landing force of 12,000. 

One way or another, the target of the expedition was discovered by our intelligence men and Forts Walker and Beauregard were duly warned. The weather caused problems for DuPont, whose fleet ran into a severe storm which scattered his shipping. By the 7th, he was anchored just outside the bay and many of his ships had found their way back to him. He was ready for an attack that no longer contained an element of surprise.

Thursday, 7 Novemeber, 1861. Eight o'clock a.m.

Captain Samuel DuPont commenced his ingenious battle plan. I will here attempt a sketch at a battle map for you.

As you will be able to see, DuPont's plan consisted of an expanding elliptical line of attack--his gunboats raking the forts with each pass.

He divided his ships into a main squadron, consisting of nine of the heaviest of the frigates and sloops, and a flanking squadron of five gunboats. These all entered the sound in parallel columns, the lighter squadron ranged to starboard. As they passed midway between the forts, Beauregard on the north, Walker three miles to the south, the gunboats were the target of the fort's fire, but they returned said fire vigorously.

Roughly two miles into the sound, the main force turned to the south and came round to move past Fort Walker, the weaker of the two forts, while keeping up a scathing cannonade. They continued this maneuver all the way around in a giant ellipses to give Fort Beauregard the same treatment.

While the above maneuvering was underway, the flanking squadron peeled off to engage the four Confederate boats--three of which were no more than tugs mounting but a single gun apiece! These gunboats, after firing once or twice, promptly retreated up Skull Creek...where they were essentially useless to the fight, being bottled up by the Yankee boats. 

Regrettably for our side, the gunners in the forts had had little to no practice with their artillery pieces. No only were they unskilled in the handling of their guns, it soon became apparent that the shot was frequently of the wrong size and the quality of the power was quite poor. It may be needless to remark at this point that the toll they took on the Union vessels was extremely light.

To make matters worse, Fort Walker was rather weak on the northern side as the it had been built primarily for the purpose of defending directly out to sea and no more. DuPont had discovered this and thereby concentrated his fire upon the northward side of the fort. The gunboats which had the Confederates bottled up in Skull Creek were able to assist in the cannonade of Fort Walker's northern wall from where they were stationed.

By early afternoon, Fort Walker was unable to withstand the Yankee fire and thereby lowered her flag. At 2:20 the Federals, having landed, raised the Union flag over the ramparts of the damaged fort.  At sunset, Fort Beauregard likewise lowered her flag. DuPont would occupy it the following morning. 

The battle was over. The Confederacy had lost a third port.  However, for reasons that I cannot elucidate upon, the Union would never exploit their hold in the heart of secessionist county was well as they might have--at least on land--though indeed Port Royal served them well as a base for the blockading Union fleet. 

The casualties were light on both sides. The Confederates suffered 11 killed, 48 wounded, 3 captured, and 4 missing. The Federals: 8 killed and 23 wounded.

.....

Your loving grandfather,

James B. Hamilton

Dear Freddy,

It seems highly appropriate that I should begin this day-by-day instruction by speaking of some of the greatest of our leaders. Having already read of Jackson and Lee, turn your attention towards our first, and only, president. 

6 November, 1861 saw the uncontested election of Jefferson Davis for a six-year term as President of the Confederate States of America. As you will be aware, he would not hold office full-term, for the defeat of our cause and his imprisonment cut it short.

Before this 6 November election, Jefferson Davis was already at the reigns of the Confederate government as the Provisional President. What you may not know, Freddy, is that Jeff Davis had no wish to be president. His desire, when secession and war became inevitable, was to have a generalship and ride into battle at the head of his men. However, God, and the people of the South, had different plans for the fifty-three year old statesman.

Davis had issues delegating tasks, and to a degree, if I may speak freely, under the circumstances, it is somewhat understandable. There is one thing that at times hindered our bid  for Southern freedom, and that was the petty wrangling between politicians and soldiers from different states. Though again, as we fought to keep our individual state sovereignty, even that independence of spirit is both to be expected and understood to a degree.

But I digress, my point is that Davis wore himself out with cares and worries that he may not had to have borne if he would just have delegated out tasks to his subordinates. I do believe, if I remember correctly, that he had a similar penchant for control while Secretary of War under Pierce.

While a good leader and an ardent proponent of our cause, Fred, Davis was a hard man to work with; learn from virtues: his ardor, his diligence, his determination, his perseverance under trial, but also from his faults: his grudge-bearing (he and at least two of his generals had ruined relationships due to lack of forgiveness), his unability to delegate, his pride. Emulate the fine qualities and avoid the bad, my boy. 

I hope, in future letters, to speak more of this great man. 

Your loving grandfather,

James B. Hamilton

My Dear Fred,

Yesterday I wrote to you of a small instance in General Jackson's life. Today, I take pen in hand to tell you of an instance in the life of another of our most gallant generals.

Tuesday,  5  November 1861, General Robert Edward Lee was named the commander of the Department f South Carolina, Georgia, and East Florida. This department was fairly new and there was much need for improvement in the defenses. Indeed, directly as he arrived at his command, Port Royal,  South Carolina fell to the invaders. This circumstance will be covered more fully in a future letter.

General Lee was nicknamed "King of Spades" at this juncture of his career; for he put his men to work digging entrenchments. You may rest assured, Fred, that "King of Spades" was not meant to be flattering; the men considered the work unseemly and thought that brave men would not "hide behind earthworks in the first place".

However, these earthworks served the purpose of withdrawing the fight from along the coast and the rivers, thus ensuring that the enemy would not be enabled to fire upon the defenders with their gunboats.

Let this be a lesson to you, lad: hard, physical labor is sometimes of the utmost importance and is never beneath a man--regardless of rank or color.

Standfast,

Your loving Grandfather,

James B. Hamilton